Impartial accountability In the last few weeks, the regional accountability courts have convicted two ex-ministers, Sardar Abdul Rehman Khetran and Mohammed Ali Rindh, of the Balochistan government for misuse of power and corruption. The Balochistan Assembly is a 43-member legislative body. It has been normal practice in Balochistan for the cabinet to be chosen from a number of regional parties headed by the majority party, which normally has been the PML or PPP, the exception being the Akhtar Mengal government. This being the case, most provincial governments have had 20 to 23 ministers, while the opposition has been miniscule. This practice has been adopted by the majority parties simply to have as wide a representation as possible and to reduce the internal political and economic tensions between the disparate economic and politically developed areas of Balochistan. Economically, Balochistan is some 300 years behind the rest of Pakistan. Politically, all federal governments that have come to power over the past 53 years have marginalised it and its people. This was not the case only half a century ago as far as the political development of Balochistan is concerned. The British colonialists had systematically destroyed the democratic nature of the tribal system where the chief of a tribe was an elected office and private ownership of land was unknown. The system of governance was based on communal living and interests closer to the Marxist model than any other system. The multitude of tribes living in Balochistan had coalesced into a loose confederacy as long ago as 1666 when Mir Ahmed I became the first titular head of the Baloch nation. The name of the ruling dynasty of Kalat, Ahmedzai, is derived from this founder ruler. Over three decades of the establishment of this confederacy in Western Balochistan, all the tribes of Balochistan were slowly inducted into it with representation in two legislative houses. The Dar-ul-Umra was the House of Lords where all the sardars represented their tribes while the Dar-ul-Awam was the House of the People where tribal sub-sectional leaders represented the majority of their tribes. Each tribe's internal affairs remained autonomous. Thus, a consolidation of democratic principles and governance was in its early stages in the1700s. It is true that the Baloch Confederacy was never truly economically independent and was dependent on the more developed areas of the subcontinent, Iran and Afghanistan for trade in foodstuffs and other goods. The Mughal empire never interfered in the internal affairs of the Baloch Confederacy, although its allegiance seesawed between Delhi and Kandahar. It was the British colonialists' forward policy aimed at containing the expanding Russian empire that destroyed the emerging democratic system in Balochistan. The office of the elected tribal chief was replaced by a hereditary system and private ownership of land introduced. This was a strategic move to produce loyal subjects to the British Crown through elevation of tribal Sardars to Nawabs and allocation of large landholdings to them for services rendered. There was armed resistance to these changes in the politically developing nation with huge losses on both sides. The British known for their conspiratorial and intrigue expertise fostered many a coup, murder and compromise in the Kalat Palace to gain their colonial interests, thus weakening the confederacy to the point of it becoming easy prey to the inheritors of the British empire in 1947. The inheriting Pakistani rulers of Balochistan continued with the British policies of conspiracy and intrigue while dividing the common tribal interests and rights amongst the tribal lords for their personal interests. Thereby inducting these nawabs, sardars and tribal lords into the exploitative ruling elite of Pakistan with common personal interests and incentives. Having nurtured the Baloch mainstream politicians in the same corrupt practices that the Pakistani ruling elite has practised in the rest of Pakistan, the establishment cannot expect corruption and misuse of power not to be indulged in by them. These Baloch politicians have warped arguments trying to justify their actions of the recent past. They claim that Balochistan has been so badly neglected economically and politically that they have a right to personally progress in any manner possible to compete with the other politicians of Pakistan. They say, that in any case, the funds disbursed to Balochistan have been only enough to pay salaries to government employees while development funding has been non-existent. So how much could they have embezzled? Projects started by federal governments have also not been completed or dropped to the detriment of economic activity and development. Then, funds accruing from gas royalties, development charges, taxes etc, are also not disbursed on time. These arguments are justified from the point of view of the people of Balochistan, who have been exploited by their own politicians, but not for the corrupt politicians of Balochistan, even if their corruption is a tiny fraction of others from Punjab, Sindh and NWFP. The chief executive is on record of saying that he has asked for the big fish to be caught in the NAB net and not the small fry. Balochistan's politicians have always claimed discrimination viz, themselves and others, especially Punjab. While politicians and industrialists from the other provinces have been allowed to walk away after paying their outstanding, Mohammed Ahmed Rind has been refused this leniency and has been jailed, fined and disqualified. At the same time, the corrupt bureaucracy is being allowed to pay back huge amounts they embezzled with no punishment. One thousand PTCL employees are reported to have agreed to pay back Rs2.5 billion provided they are spared jail, confiscation of property and sacking from office. While people like Chaudary Shujaat, and others known for the biggest fraud in the Cooperatives scam, walk around free as a bird. Even if the NAB net is not going to ensnare corrupt judicial and military personnel, it should not discriminate between the politicians and industrialists from one province to the other, especially Punjab. The co-accused in all of Nawaz Sharif's cases are being acquitted, making these cases look like a personal vendetta against Nawaz. It is discrimination of this kind that Balochistan province has faced in economic, social and political developments in Pakistan that have lent strength to anti-state elements like the old vanguard of the National Awami Party. The Baloch Liberation Army, which has recently emerged on the scene, is a manifestation of the desperation and frustration that the people of Balochistan feel as a whole. In particular, it strengthens the hands of Khair Baksh Marri and Sardar Ataullah Mengal who have demanded and continue to demand a separate and independent greater Balochistan. The BLA has also reportedly announced that the recent spate of bomb explosions in Quetta will continue as long as Khair Baksh Marri continues to languish in jail in the Justice Marri murder case. While the present military dispensation continues to implement policies to please the IMF, World Bank and international donors, the internal conflicts, tensions are taking on dangerous proportions. The hyperinflation and economic stagnation is lending further impetus to talk of a failed state and balkanization of Pakistan. One military government presided over the secession of the majority of Pakistan's population. The only way to save Pakistan is to return the country to constitutional elected civilian rule as soon as possible. The news International  Sunday 20.8.2000  By Asad Rehman